VCU news

By James McCue

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the United States created the Office of the Director of National Intelligence to oversee the nation’s 16 intelligence agencies, which include the FBI and CIA.

David Gompert, distinguished adjunct professor in the L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, served as that office’s principal deputy director, as well as serving for a time as acting director, from 2009 to 2011. He has authored several research books on national security and potential risks assessments. Recently, he worked for RAND Corp., a nonprofit think tank for the U.S. military and as a professor for the U.S. Naval Academy.

What are the duties associated with principal deputy director and director of National Intelligence?

While the principal deputy director of National Intelligence is appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate, the specific duties are determined mainly by how the director and deputy decide to split their attention. In my case, while the director dealt mainly with management of the 16-agency U.S. intelligence community, I was responsible mainly for seeing to it that top policymakers and military commanders received high-quality, timely and objective intelligence that they could relate to the issues or crises at hand. So, the director was "Mr. Inside" and I was "Mr. Outside." When I took over as acting director of National Intelligence, I had to be both.

What are the subjects of your research and books?

As far as my research and writing is concerned, I am a nomad. At the height of the Cold War, I thought and wrote mainly about U.S.-Soviet nuclear matters and NATO.  In the ’90s, I paid attention mainly to the conflict in the Balkans and the strategy of integrating the ex-communist East European countries into Western institutions. After 9/11, most of my work with RAND and elsewhere concerned counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency. My last two books, and the ones I'm working on now, concern U.S.-China strategic relations. So I guess I'm guilty of moving where the action is. But throughout, I have always tried to understand security problems and suggest solutions that combine technology, politics and economics. My real passion is to work on the intersections of, or seams between, the traditional "disciplines."

What brought you to VCU?

My wife and I moved to Richmond for personal reasons – we have family here, and we really like the city. Having made that decision, it occurred to me that I might like VCU and might be able to contribute here. I knew the university only by reputation, and I liked what I heard – urban, diverse, energetic and moving up. Upon my arrival, my first discovery was that VCU students do not look like midshipmen from the U.S. Naval Academy, to say the least. But I'm learning that they are not that different in how they think and in their desire to learn. I am struck by the fact that VCU has capabilities in all of the disciplines that are relevant to national and global security: political science, public administration, economics and business, engineering, computer science and so on. VCU has the potential to be a leader in education and research in national security, in Virginia and even in the country.

With your experience, what will you teach to students here at VCU? Are there any unique insights that you can provide to students?

My course on future global security challenges is meant to give students analytic tools, not a vast body of information that may or may not be meaningful in the future. It's like providing a fishing pole and clues about where fishing might be good, rather than providing fish to be consumed. The course has three parts: the changing nature of violent extremism, cooperation and competition with China and unfamiliar security problems.

What do you think of the nation's current state of security?

The national security challenges facing the United States today and in the immediate future are more complex than at any time since the end of the Second World War. This does mean the challenges are as serious as were those of the 20th century – World War, Cold War – or the kind of strategic terrorism that began the 21st. Overall, I think the country is fairly secure. I worry mostly about failure of the United States and China to avoid the pitfalls of established powers and rising powers colliding. Between the more immediate dangers of nuclear proliferation (e.g. in Northeast Asia and the Middle East) and of violent extremism, I think the former is more severe – though I could be proven wrong.

Regionally, the Middle East could be increasingly volatile because of Sunni-Shia conflict and the persistence of the Palestinian problem.

In addition to these clear dangers, national and global security can be threatened by less familiar ones. Climate change could have severe local and regional consequences, especially in such fragile, low-lying zones as Southeast Asia. Failed states, mass death and human displacement will remain a risk, though this may be limited as economic development and democratization in Africa and elsewhere gain momentum.

What are the risks associated with cyberterrorism/attacks on a nation?

Cybersecurity threats come in many varieties. The most common are cybercrime and cyber-espionage. While both are unwelcome and justify better computer network defense, neither is as serious as cyberwar. There is a growing potential for large and sophisticated attacks of critical national civil and military systems. But these have not occurred, and the actors capable of them are limited to a few major nations, such as China and Russia. Defense against such cyber-attacks is difficult, short of reducing network connectivity and usefulness. However, there are good prospects for mutual deterrence, given U.S. cyberwar capabilities.

Cyberterrorism is harder to deter, of course. But it does not loom as a large threat if only because terrorist groups lack the resources major states have to conduct large and advanced attacks.

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